@Article{,
  author = {Abrahamsen, Rita},
  title  = {The power of partnerships in global governance},
  pages  = {1453--1467},
  volume = {25},
  year   = {2004},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Contentious Politics in the Middle East},
  editor    = {Albrecht, Holger},
  publisher = {University Press of Florida},
  year      = {2010},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Altan-Olcay, Ozlem and Icduygu, Ahmet},
  title  = {Mapping Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt, Lebanon and Turkey},
  pages  = {157--179},
  volume = {39},
  year   = {2012},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Handbook of ethnography},
  editor    = {Atkinson, Paul and Coffey, Amanda and Delamont, Sara and Lofland, John and Lofland, Lyn},
  pages     = {xviii, 507 Seiten},
  publisher = {SAGE},
  year      = {2014},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {The professionalization of public participation},
  editor    = {Bherer, Laurence and Gauthier, Mario and Simard, Louis},
  pages     = {x, 263 Seiten},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  year      = {2017},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Blok, Anders},
  title  = {Mapping the Super‐Whale: Towards a Mobile Ethnography of Situated Globalities},
  pages  = {507--528},
  volume = {5},
  year   = {2010},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Bosancic, Sasa},
  title     = {Arbeiter ohne Eigenschaften},
  pages     = {418 S},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year      = {2014},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Breidenstein, Georg and Hirschauer, Stefan},
  title  = {Endlich fokussiert? Weder ,Ethno' noch ,Graphie'.},
  pages  = {125--129},
  volume = {3},
  year   = {2002},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Breidenstein, Georg and Hirschauer, Stefan and Kalthoff, Herbert},
  title     = {Ethnografie},
  pages     = {250 S},
  publisher = {UTB},
  volume    = {3979},
  year      = {2013},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Carapico, Sheila},
  comment = {# Example of transnational favoritism in DP

Clientelism
The biased DP aid to liberal parties in Egypt is a good example for favoritism that is transnational but not clientelism. 151, FN3

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 0

# Specifics of Political aid: information

> this corresponds to what Krause, quoting Clifford Bob, says about the market for human rights whose product is information.

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 1

# The books orientation

Carapico opens her book with an account of the crackdown on the five "overseas branches of the federally funded quasi-non-governmental National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), the International Center for Journalists, Freedom House, and Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation and several locally headquartered pro- fessional advocacy organizations, including the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and the Arab Center for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers" (1) in Egypt on Dec 29, 2011, and the ensuing controversy or rather: the different readings/interpetations of various parties involved in this conflict (former employees; other Egyptian HR organisations; Egyptian government; US politicians)
I think this is very teling regarding her book's purpose. Her interest is to a certain degree to adjucate between or "sort through such conflicting claims and testimonials about justice, imperialism, and pushback" (2)
After setting the stage with this snippet from political struggles in Egypt, she moves on to a one-page description of what PA has been looking like since 1990 in the region. The paragraph concludes with "This book investigates how such projects work, their proximate out- puts, and the experiences of practitioners." 3
"My task is to describe and analyze the dynamics of Western or multilateral organizations’ programs ‘promoting’ Arab transitions from authoritari- anism in the context of national, regional, and international politics in the Middle East during two tumultuous decades. The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice." 3
The list of questions she then comes up with is absurdly long. It is 11 questions, most of them containing three subquestions. 3-4
Summary of her answers: it's complex ;)
"In response to the basic question of how democracy promotion works in practice, I venture a simple answer, a basic argument, a composite theo- retical structure, and a bottom-line political point. The simple answer is that political-development assistance consists of projects that are carried out by specialized professional agencies working through cross-national institutional channels. The specificities warrant further investigation. The straightforward argument is that institutional arrangements and profes- sional practices across and inside national domains are contextual, com- plex, and often contested. Regardless of nationality, professionals know that transnational engagements in matters of law, elections, gender, and what is ‘non-governmental’ intersect with international and domestic power arrangements in complicated, sometimes counter-intuitive ways. The paradoxes encompass but go beyond what a famous historian called the collocation of “megalomania and messianism” in macro-level American foreign policy.2 Agents and participant observers reflect ruefully on the mixed motives, messages, and blessings of political aid; ironic convergences of empowerment and power; ethical and practical dilemmas; differently scaled legal-political jurisdictions; grandiose plans gone awry; confluences and disruptures between domestic and international regimes; banal competition over symbolic capital, institutional access, and monetary advantage; and the rarified experience of conferences in fancy off-shore locations."4

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 2

# Summary of what PA looked like in the region since 1990

European, Canadian, and American experts in ‘political transitions’ had been working in Arab countries for a couple of decades. After the end of the Cold War, more intently after 9/11/2001, and in another spurt after the ‘youth’ uprisings in 2011, professional democracy brokers (and some amateurs) flocked to the region with projects to upgrade legal systems, institutionalize competitive
// elections, encourage female participation, and organize liberal civic net- works. Drawing on dollars, pounds sterling, and euros, often cooperating with United Nations programs, they were employed inside Egypt, Jordan, sometimes Lebanon, the Maghreb countries, Yemen, and the two excep- tional ill-fated cases of Palestine and Iraq. They offered technical advice, collected data, wrote assessments, conducted seminars, ran public infor- mation campaigns, and made grants to national or regional public advo- cacy think tanks for projects on human rights, political reform, civil society, and related topics. Involvement varied over time and space. In some countries, foreign experts offered boilerplates for commercial legis- lation; in Iraq, Americans created new courts. To different degrees, for- eigners participated in electoral events as technical consultants or volunteer monitors. Many donors worked directly with public sector or parastatal institutions such as parliamentary libraries or national councils for women. Other projects provided grants and training to civil society organizations defined as NGOs or CSOs. More broadly, democracy brokers sponsored or co-sponsored virtual networks and transnational conferences on topics such as how to run electoral campaigns, lobby for reforms to family law, or battle press censorship."

page range: 2

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 3

# Carapico's questions on political aid

"The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice. What work gets done, how, by whom, to what effect? Who gets what, when, where, and how? What were the actual channels, mecha- nisms, and institutional practices – inter-governmental, for instance, or non-governmental? Where are the sites of interaction inside or beyond national boundaries? Who are the agents, intermediaries, and audiences? How were goals relating to justice, representation, women’s rights, or civil society framed, routinized, or contested? How did theories about political transitions mesh or clash with pre-existing legal jurisdictions, political institutions, and public civic spheres? When, why and how did client governments embrace or reject overtures? How did initiatives jibe with the aspirations, inspirations, and counter-hegemonic claims of civic
Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 87.77.219.225 on Tue Feb 16 09:28:02 GMT 2016.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139022781.001
Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 20164 Introduction
activists? What did professionals and close-hand observers see as the proximate benefits or risks? How relevant is applied transitology to indig- enous struggles for fair and decent governance? Does political aid advance social justice, representative political institutions, and popular empower- ment; or authoritarian retrenchment; or imperial domination – or what?"

page range: 3

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 4

# Components of political aid

"Amidst these complexities, I suggest that it helps to break political aid into its component parts, goals, and fields of specialization. The formal organizing thesis around which this book is structured is that practitioners and researchers in four key sectors – the rule of law sector, projects dealing with formal electoral politics, gender programming, and funding for civil society"

page range: 4

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 5

# She sees PA as divided into four distinct sectors

"Amidst these complexities, I suggest that it helps to break political aid into its component parts, goals, and fields of specialization. The formal organizing thesis around which this book is structured is that practitioners and researchers in four key sectors – the rule of law sector, projects dealing with formal electoral politics, gender programming, and funding for civil society – each identify distinctive terminologies, establishments, and con- tradictions.
Legal scholar-practitioners explore layered articulations, har- monizations, and rifts between and among legal regimes. In Iraq, the disruptures were colossal. It is in the field of elections that Western powers earned their reputation for hypocrisy, because in the Middle East the ‘high politics’ of geo-strategic alliances so often contradicted professional //
election monitoring and/or design. Feminist intellectuals and gender spe- cialists debated cultural and institutional ways of ‘representing’ women. Civil society promotion and hostile counterattacks caused scholars and activists (not that these are mutually exclusive categories) to consider what it means to be governmental or not, national or not; and to analyze ironic convergences and separations between sovereign and transnational man- ners of governmentality."

page range: 4

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 6

# She sees PA as divided into four distinct sectors (Comment)

I completely disagree. Think of the PD in UNDP were it was decided to give it to women's organisations - because whatelse would you do? and then the RoL project worked on infrastructures in prisons and had to have a civil society component, and did conflict assessment or so.... not much to do with harmonizing laws, aye?
And the civil society organistaions also did a lot of workshops and worked on legal issues - they didn't just debate self-reflectively.

page range: 4

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 7

# Summary of NGO definition and its problems (NGOisation, exclusion)

"In everyday English usage, the term ‘NGO’ connotes a non-governmental, non-profit, cause-driven association motivated by altruistic intent rather than pecuniary or political gain. NGOs are the good guys. However, scholars who scrutinized the habits of North–South NGO funding already warned us not to think that ‘non-governmental’ is synonymous with ‘democratic.’6 Many scholars and activists have critically interrogated prototypes of NGOs or CSOs as units of civic engagement: this construc- tion, they argue, constitutes a potentially potent classificatory scheme that excludes mass or spontaneous mobilization. One perceptive critic of devel- opment aid argued that civil society promotion amounts to the profession- alization and institutionalization of certain patterns of knowledge.7 The construct of the NGO, originally meant to distinguish independent advocacy from inter-governmental transactions, is problematic.8 The//governmental/non-governmental binary is a convenient dummy variable defining civic energies aphophatically for what they are not. Inside the industry there are a range of rhyming variations distinguishing para- statal qua-NGOs, government-organized GONGOs, royally-organized RONGOs, donor-oriented DONGOs, World Bank initiated BINGOs, and even entrepreneurial B-Y-O (bring-your-own) “bringos.”9 But they all call themselves NGOs, even in Arabic, where in lieu of translation the identical acronym is often rendered in text in Latin alphabet letters or in speech as pronounced in English. Overall, the ubiquitous neologism of the NGO is an imprecise linguistic expression that is left, as we will see, for various governments and donor agencies to define bureaucratically and ideologically. In practice, an NGO is something registered as such with national governments, the United Nations, or donor agencies. In compar- ing and contrasting criteria for inclusion and patronage, this chapter illustrates the politics and paradoxes of ‘NGOization.’ Many observers deduced that political aid stimulated a proliferation of professional, rather than grassroots, NGOs."

page range: 153

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 8

# DP NGOs are (historically) not NGOs

"Calling Freedom House or NDI or International IDEA non- governmental, with the possible additional implication of apolitical, is not quite accurate. Most Western-based democracy brokers are ‘NGOs’ by fiat: that is, they were created and/or funded by governments to be ‘NGOs.’ During the Cold War, American, British, Canadian, and other NATO legislatures each endowed national ‘non-governmental’ political foundations to foment liberalization and combat communism abroad through unofficial channels.10 NED’s conservative champions envisioned a role now forbidden by Congress to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), of bolstering pro-American opposition parties, unions, and media in countries allied with the Soviet Union or led by left-leaning parties.11"

page range: 154

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 9

# Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor.

"Shortly thereafter, the German Stiftungen that had pioneered overseas political aid (only to find their efforts to destabilize foreign governments the subject of domestic controversy) won West German federal budgetary support on grounds that they would pursue the national interest by ‘indi- rect’ means.12 Such “semi-private bodies” could engage in political advo- cacy “at two removes,” wrote a prominent European expert: first through the European Commission, then in turn back to the national political foundations.13 Even the relatively few, mostly American organizations with private endowments, notably the Ford Foundation, the Soros Foundation’s Open Society Institute, and the Carter Center at Emory University, helped extend U.S. foreign policy beyond formal governmental agencies.14 Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor. IRI, NDI, the Stiftungen, and kindred agencies are GONGOs or DONGOs as well as NGOs."

page range: 155

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 10

# The difference of Political Aid (in EGy)

"Civil society promotion via ‘advocacy NGOs’ //was even more intently controversial. In the name of democratic advocacy it differed from welfare-oriented conventional aid in two important ways. First, as already analyzed with respect to projects for women, and unlike economic initiatives with material consequences, the content of political aid was almost entirely informational and ideological. Ergo, its practi- tioners and counterparts were constituted as professional lobbies generat- ing semantic, informational or instructive products. The second contrast is that even though conventional ODA snaked through parastatal and quasi- non-governmental sub-contracting channels, it remained primarily inter- governmental (bilateral or multilateral), administered by mutual consent. By contrast, political aid for NGOs that evaded conceptual and adminis- trative border patrols goaded special pushback from police states.

page range: 161

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 11

# The difference of Political Aid (in EGy) (Comment)

Somewhere in the chapter on electoral assistance or in the introduction, she made a similar argument about the specifities of political aid (vs. conventional aid)

page range: 161

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 12

# Political Aid organisations are Thinktanks

"If political aid delivers information, persuasion, and symbiotic meanings, then organizations specialized in democratic transitions overseas resembled think tanks.29 Think tanks are “idea brokers,” professional research agencies with a policy mission that “monitor the latest political developments, pursue short- term research projects, organize seminars and conferences, publish occasional books or reports,” and apply for funds to keep their operations afloat.30 Democracy brokers and political institutes self-identify as think tanks based on the work they do. The turn-of-the-century web sites of the French Socialist Party’s Fondation Jean Jaures and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung of Germany’s Green Party associated themselves with “a wider family of social-democratic foundations, named ‘fondation’ here, ‘think tank’ there, or ‘institut’ else- where”; the Christian Democrats’ Konrad Adenauer Stiftung considered itself a cross between a think tank and a political aid agency. Accordingly, research has shown that projects in the Middle East bolstered certain categories of research and instruction, or counterparts specialized in the production of those categories of information and ideas.31"

page range: 162

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 13

# Civil society programs in EGY and PAL advanced elite advocacy (not grassroots)

There is research on the mismatch between NGO/advocacy success with donors and grassroots concerns! 163 plus: there is already the acknowledgement that „the impact of civil society programs was (...) at the ‚meso’ level of ‚elite advocacy’.“ 163

page range: 163

quotation type: Indirect quotation

quotation index: 14

# Negative effects of NGOisation

"After a while, foreign consultants found little difference between “hybrid” Palestinian and Lebanese professional research consulting institutions and European counterparts.43 The term “Creolization” implied institutional as well as linguistic cross-breeding.44 Progressive intellectuals formerly in the nationalist vanguard of the first Intifada found themselves recast as “missionaries preaching the importance of advocacy, workshops and training programs,” their energies diverted from grassroots to “deterri- torialized” activism.45 The “project logic” itself as well as the//
“NGOization” of street-level movements transform a social cause into an accounting unit while fostering both a culture of dependency and fancy- hotel modes of consumption.46 This is how it looked to practitioners on the ground."

page range: 164

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 15

# The „genre“ of NGO directories: You can only be Civil Society if you have a physical office.

„Donors commissioned scores of surveys, studies, and reports on NGO/ CSO landscapes. This was partly a search for suitable sub-contractors and partly a mapping project reflected in the publication of NGO direc- tories. NGO and PVO directories were produced for Egypt, Palestine, Yemen, Jordan, and other countries. The genre is distinctive. A United Nations directory for the West Bank, issued by the Office of the Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories, for instance, provided, in English and Arabic, alphabetically organized in the Latin alphabet, the name, address, phone and fax numbers, officers, background, and activ- ities of each of 400 NGOs in 10 cities and towns. Most also self-identified in English by Roman-alphabet acronyms. Directories were organized more or less like telephone books, with entries clustered by geographic location but not distinguishing among, for instance, the local offices of NDI, the Catholic charity CARITAS founded in Latin America, profes- sional organizations, political party affiliates, development contractors, non-profit law offices, or business networks. The key criterion for inclu- sion is an office address: physical premises. Low-budget, spontaneous, or informal associations would not appear on the map or in the directory. Ultimately, directories seemed to be but were not ‘really’ reliable maps of civil society.“

page range: 166

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 16

# Describes extremely well how NGOs/CSOs were reshaped

1) directory
2) adherence to organizational routines (handbooks)
3) status as observer/official registering etc
4) mimicking forms of knowledge (167)
5) formation of networks/federations (167)

page range: 166

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 17

# Strategic Planning as skill to be learned by NGOs

"It began with 12 pages on why and how NGOs should engage in “strategic planning” based on a clear “mission statement” and well-kept “financial accounts.” "

page range: 166

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 18

# the transformation of NGOs through political aid and the exclusionary mechanisms

see her details on p.166-168

page range: 166

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 19

# Strategic Planning as skill to be learned by NGOs (Comment)

Is it pure coincidence that the same mantra that I hear all the time in Police-BUilding was part of a MEPI manual for NGOs/CSOs

page range: 166

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 20

# The managerial model of social change

All she has described on pages 166-167 about the demands of MEPI, FFF, USAID boils down to:
"This is a highly mana- gerial model of democratic change."

page range: 168

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 21

# Siphoning away energy

"Many partners felt that human and material assets were siphoned away from ground-level activism toward paperwork, specialized routines, and organizational meetings. To craft successful grant proposals, native English-speaking exchange student interns were recruited. Professionally produced audits and reports were essential to success. A report to a German foundation gave the example of the Democracy and Workers Rights Center, which in one year produced fourteen audited reports, twenty-five quarterly reports, and twenty-five annual reports for its exter- nal donors, each with its own format. Documentation obligations were so “onerous” that DWRC hired four new administrators and spent more than $70,000 a year “servicing donors.”54 Other organizations in the Territories and across the region spent time and energy entertaining civil society tourist ‘missions’ from abroad that visited with amazing frequency. (Methodologically, this observation urged me to turn away from request- ing personal interviews and toward analyzing published transcripts and public performances.)"

page range: 168

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 22

# Summary of what is wrong with NGOisation

"Mapping projects, licensing criteria, and ceremonial certifications sig- nify transnational governmentality, here a kind of domination exercised through the denationalization and non-governmentalization of civic involvement. Thematic agendas, declaratory principles, registration pro- cedures, NGO directories, and control of purse-strings impose self- discipline. Many scholarly critics interpreted this as a way of regimenting or foreclosing proletarian and subaltern movements. Latin American and African specialists labeled operational NGOs helping to privatize welfare services “subcontractors” in the “relief and reconstruction complex”55 or “modern-day secular missionaries.”56 Alongside this, and sidelining poverty-alleviating welfare and service entitlements, think tanks were//enlisted to rationalize neo-liberal economic policies and cloister intellec- tual counter-elites into non-confrontational, white-collar activities outside the body politic.57 One observer concluded that “The idealized space where the weak are supposed to be fighting their battles for freedom and justice has been hijacked by segments of the (petite) bourgeoisie who have found their niche in the growing sector of NGOs.”58 Concurrently, the separation of welfare from advocacy seemed to disfavor social justice activism."

page range: 168

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 23

# Battles over both material and symbolic capital

"These were battles over symbolic capital, monetary resources, and ownership of national narratives about rights and justice. They were also boundary disputes about claims of trespassing. When, whether on their own or in consultation with international agencies, governments created national machineries for women or national human rights councils, they staked rhetorical and institutional claims to feminism and legalism in an ongoing quest for absolute executive jurisdiction. So, for instance, ruling party or family elites could ‘represent’ women. Adversarial rights monitor- ing by professionals trained and/or financed from abroad contradicted those claims. They did so in front of domestic and international audiences, perhaps eroding crony structures. Ruling kleptocrats cloned parastatal GONGOs to recapture not only small change for advocacy projects but also public patriotic narratives; and brought charges of defaming the state or slandering the President against human rights defenders documenting serious abuses. In the highly publicized cases of the imprisonment of Saad Eddine Ibrahim and the Sudanese accountant at the Ibn Khaldun Center,//for instance, opinion was divided as to whether international pressure
failed to keep them from prison or helped eventually to secure his release."

page range: 175

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 24

# Supranational zones of sponsored activism

"Civil society programming penetrated national territorial and institutional boundaries. In addition it also activated spheres geographically outside and metaphorically above sovereign civic realms. This is the other con- notation of denationalization. I want to call special attention to this supra- national zone of sponsored activism, including the human rights and women’s conferences mentioned in earlier chapters. Intercontinental meet- ings in five-star facilities with trilingual interpreters speaking into head- phones from glassed-in cubicles signaled globalization, extra-territoriality, and de-nationalization. In some ways, the workshops and web sites con- stituted portals of counter-elite expression outside the bounds of national censorship, an opportunity to rail against restraints on association, and to bring abuses into the international limelight. These meetings were rather more upscale than the usual academic conference. They were civil, infor- mative multicultural conversations in zones of harmonization in one way. In another they constituted schizophrenic spaces. They could be seen as air-conditioned hot air; imperial co-optation of bilingual secular counter- elites; or spaces for extra-systemic freedom of association."

page range: 176

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 25

# Regional dimension of DP in the MENA = globalisation?neoliberalisation?

"All along, there was a strong transnational Arab-regional dimension to democracy promotion in the Middle East, in the tier between domestic and global. Considerable material and symbolic capital was invested in NGO networks of the caliber invited to the Forum for the Future and dozens of other high-end summits. These extra-territorial Arab and Mediterranean consortia, pretty much outside the Arab League’s purview, went unnoticed in national case studies of domestic civil society or bilateral aid programs. But they were a salient component of political aid. The Ibn Khaldun Center’s founder counted among the non-governmental federations “inspired or induced” by the world-wide UN conferences in the nineties the Arab Democracy Network, the Arab Organization of Human Rights, the Arab Network for the Protection of Human Rights Activists, and the Cairo-based Arab NGOs Network.78 In a complex co-sponsorship, the Ford Foundation in Cairo and UNDP jointly backed affiliations of interna- tional, Arab, and national organizations with IFEX, the International//Freedom of Information Exchange that raised both public and corporate money for its projects. MEPI, the World Bank, the OECD, UNDP and others fostered an Arab Center for the Rule of Law and Integrity head- quartered in Beirut, with a branch in Amman and associates in ten other Arab countries. In 2010, something called the Network of Think Tanks for Developing Countries was hosted by the Egyptian Cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Center with support from the Japan Foundation, the Swedish Institute of Alexandria, UNDP, and other agencies.
These were interlocking webs. Their proliferation beyond and inside national domains was consistent with a theory of transnational non- governmental governmentality in an era of neo-liberal globalization, which is often thought to erode the conceptual boundaries of states. Practitioners knew this. At a World Bank meeting for NGO delegations under the Mediterranean Development Forum sessions, one contributor remarked on the “the rising influence of the donor-civil-society nexus.”79 A self-identified pro-market civil society think tank, Maroc 2020, associ- ated with a Bank-sponsored Global Development Network, hosted a Club de Madrid study of ways to strengthen rights of association financed by the European Commission’s Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights and the United Nations Fund for Democracy. These examples of quasi-non- inter-governmental matrices were symptomatic of globalization, and intensified transnationalism in the Mediterranean, closely allied with the neo-liberal Washington consensus. These trajectories are not self- actualizing, however; the counter-offensive was fierce.

page range: 176

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 26

# summary of dialectical dynamics between nationalisation and de-natioanlistaion, DP and backlash

"These dynamics seemed dialectical. Domestic repression banished organizers to offshore portals and international councils, where they con- tinued domestic struggles in the transnational/pan-Arab arena. Yet these venues had their own discursive price of admission and conditions of patronage. Oppressive internal restrictions legitimated outside interfer- ence, which prompted greater repression, which impelled the intensifica- tion of transnational schemes, which generated yet more intense backlash. In an age of globalization, dictatorship helped create the circumstances for its own negation in the form of extra-territorial activism. Simultaneously, donors’ civil society programming seemingly intensified counter-reactions in the form of upgraded predatory curbs on organizational freedoms. The outcome, then, was a synthetic transitory space for elite activism that at least partly eluded both national and global forms of authority, but was itself a zone of highly antagonistic politics. At the end of this chapter we//will listen to more commentary from bilingual intellectuals about their experiences in that space, which echo some of the wisecracks from women cited in the previous chapter."

page range: 182

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 27

# DP and the Egyptian Revolution

"did civil society promotion foment rebellion?
'Not only were the democracy-promotion projects marginal within the political landscape in Egypt, meaning that the overwhelming majority of activists avoided them like the plague because they knew it would be a kiss of death for their//credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113" FN 113:credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113

page range: 188

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 28

# The standard (indigenous) critique of DP

"For over a decade before 2011, bilingual Arab intellectuals and other local project partners echoed widespread public skepticism about the parlances and mechanisms of civil society promotion. Mindful of colonial histories, invasions, and military backing for national security states, they took a critical view of definitions of terrorism as anti-systemic rather than struc- tural violence, calls for technocratic ‘reform’ over real elections, and purely ceremonial inclusion in international civil society forums.115 The fixation with NGOs, international funding of NGOs, liberalization of NGO laws, and non-governmental representation at international conferences seemed to misconstrue bases of social solidarity in Afghanistan, Palestine, and elsewhere, wrote one observer.116 To most, it appeared that democracy ‘promotion’ was designed to foreclose prospects for unruly or take-to-the- streets revolutionary upheavals by entrusting democratization to paid Western consultants and their slick promotional advertisements."

page range: 189

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 29

# The main paradox is known!

"Bilingual public intellectuals invited to international conferences spoke frequently about the paradoxes of civil society sponsorship and the patron-//client relationship between Middle Eastern invitees and Atlantic backers."

page range: 189

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 30

# A transnational clientelistic relationship?

It's a pretty harsh but probably accurate cirticism, and it is later repeated with a different label, calling the catering to donor preferences "corruption"

page range: 189

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 31

# More criticism of donor-civil society relation

"A Cairo seminar called International Aspects of the Arab Human Rights Movement dwelt on what one discussant called “risks” of accepting invitations to international conferences that come “with strings attached” and might end up bolstering neither indigenous human rights movements nor human rights protection.117 A prominent Egyptian said resources and themes originating in the North for programs in the South reflected vertical power imbalances that define and constrain even human rights dis- courses.118 Aid “depends on personal relations and knowledge of complex procedures within foreign funding agencies” rather than qualitative cri- teria, agreed a well-respected Yemeni intellectual.119 The bottom line, wrote another conferee, was that the most common form of corruption “is when organizations design projects in line with donor priorities.”120"

page range: 190

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 32

# More criticism of donor-civil society relation (Comment)

Quote in TWT article on the power relationship, agenda setting and the need to study donors as institutions

page range: 190

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 33

# Professional NGOs not movements

"If anything, the definition of civil society as formal NGOs partic- ipating in ceremonial networks discounted the possibility of grassroots collective action; intensive highly professionalized data collection, political//intelligence, and codification schemes yielded few clues to community mobilization.

page range: 193

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 34

# Brief description of the global democracy bureaucracy

"The global democracy bureaucracy is a collection of think tanks where highly educated professionals produce specialized knowledge. They are able to devote their full-time energies to research and/or advocacy. Those stationed long-term in North Africa and the Middle East thought about these issues, one way or the other. Not everyone will agree with my analysis, of course. Some will feel that I have been unduly considerate of loathsome dictatorships; others might say I have white-washed the political-aid industry. Anyone with experience would be able to offer additional or counter-examples to those cited here. Nonetheless, few will//quarrel with the basic argument that civil society promotion is inherently and intensely political, and many have pointed to its paradoxes."

page range: 197

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 35

# Summary: the two contradictory regimes of governmentality and the twofold denationalization

"The story of civil society aid and the pushback against it was full of contradictions manifested in litigious, bitterly contested disputes. Drawing on the testimony of direct participants, I have depicted these as skirmishes between national and global regimes of governmentality, each seeking to channel civic energies into manageable parameters. In the name of anti- imperialism and self-determination, autocratic governments nationalized and regulated all forms of public activism. Conventional inter-governmental development assistance aimed at improving the governance capacity of state institutions often enhanced central administration and control. In the same way, some rule-of-law programs, elections projects, and support for national women’s organizations or GONGOs served the interests of national security establishments. The projects that most persistently enraged corrupt officials were those that circumvented their patronage channels and bureaucratic oversight. Metaphorically, non-governmental pathways dena- tionalized some forms of professional activism, including the production of political information, by placing them outside state budgets. Whereas some analysts saw in state capacity-building the potential for political aid to abet the upgrading of authoritarianism, others observed a reverse effect in the pushback – the continual re-regulation, re-registration, subversion, and co-optation of civic activities in response to donor initiatives. Then, the more transnational donor networks pressed, the more dictatorial regimes over-reacted, and the more activists took their projects offshore. This was the second dimension of denationalization. Professional human rights, women’s, and NGO networks proliferated, meeting periodically in extra- territorial spaces physically owned and operated by multinational hotel chains. Recognizing a consensual rather than coercive domain, many scholars and participants found there a different sort of governmentality with its own discursive rules and licensing restrictions. When UNDP and other agencies fixed on establishing a “knowledge society” in the Arab world, they were referring to very particular epistemological and professional practices."

page range: 197

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 36

# The fundamental paradox: Empowerment and Domination are both part of PA

"In each subfield, contradictions surfaced between the transformative potential of political aid operating in conjunction with international regimes and the ways in which democracy promotion could simply per- petuate Western domination. Activists, professionals, practitioners, and engaged social scientists (overlapping categories, to be sure) told me this, over and over." 207

"These circumstances speak to the paradoxes. The social science litera- ture has given us two main theories about the purposes and effects of political aid. One posits the positive diffusion effects of transnational regimes that work to establish norms and practices concerning law, elec- tions, and the protections and participation of women and associational life, and it cites the roles of multilateral initiatives, normative actors, and professional expertise in facilitating political liberalization. The other sit- uates these discourses and institutional arrangement in the overall context of asymmetric North-South or core-periphery exchanges and neo-liberal globalization, finding instead of democratization a way of deepening and intensifying Western hegemony. Examples, testimonials and some coun- terfactual evidence presented here variously supported both of these anti- thetical theories, each of which is persuasive in its own right but both of which tend inadequately to distinguish intentions from outcomes. First- hand accounts also point to a third possibility, that ‘target audiences’ make creative use of resources within the parameters of constraints." 200

page range: 200

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 37

# the banal or ordinary competition or low politics …

On competition and politics: I like her observation or find it intriguing at least, that the influx of resources naturally leads to conflict and competition. She highlights the “banality” of it (Carapico 2014: 200?) and labels it “low politics” (ibd.?). For the gender area:  “In practice, of course, material, symbolic, and administra- tive capital did not help half the population, but only some individuals or agencies designated to ‘represent women.’ This in turn spawned ordinary political competition over positions, podiums, and power.“ (Carapico 2014: 205)

Generally:
"By definition political aid interjects external symbolic, material, and institutional resources into national (and, in the Middle East, pan-Arab) arenas. If all politics involves competition over scarce resources, then political aid naturally stimulates controversy and rivalries. Inevitably resources flow to selected organizations, agents, and causes, but not others. Donors’ provision of expertise, technology, publicity, or funds to executive, judicial, legislative, or civic institutions affects the balance of power between and within those bodies. Even if the idea is that interna- tional agencies are supporting ‘transitions to democracy’ or ‘women’s empowerment,’ projects entail complex forms of cooperation and conflict. Practitioners and participants, including many cited here, realize the banal- ities of interagency and office politics on a commonplace level. This is ‘low’ politics." 199

page range: 205

quotation type: Indirect quotation

quotation index: 38

# Orientalist elements of gender reform

"Therefore, two kinds of evidence were presented. First, I quoted an abrasive pattern of lectures and quizzes on religio-cultural oppression given to people coping with dire military and economic distress. In witty asides, the occasional heckle, and plenty of thoughtful analysis, women outside the empowerment industry called into question its stock significa- tions of autonomy, voting, gender quotas, Shari’a, public comportment, safety, Women’s Day, ‘sexist stereotypes,’ and Western superiority. In these exchanges, outsiders consistently scoffed at the consciousness of Muslims; equally, locals ridiculed foreign hubris and naiveté. The impli- cation was that an emphasis on changing mindsets too guilelessly under- estimates the hard constraints of firepower and poverty."

page range: 205

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 39

# Orientalist elements of gender reform (Comment)

This reminds me of the conversation with Nader who rejected the Western stereotypes and lectures about gender

page range: 205

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 40

# Empowerment as a discourse

"Empowerment was not only a discourse" 205
I wonder what she means with discourse here. It is worth asking whether the empowerment discourse (beyond female empowerment btw) is one element of a development discourse

page range: 205

quotation type: Indirect quotation

quotation index: 41

# relation ideas and institutional practices

Like Krause, Carapico distinguishes an idea (or norm?) from the practices:
"The evidence supports and qualifies this proposition. That is, central executive authorities (if not courts and legislatures) were more likely to embrace the rhetorical and institutional practices of gender representation than those of either elections monitoring or NGO regimes. The Beijing apparatus appears to be a strong example of multilateral constructivism, outside the U.S. orbit. It is grounded in ideas but realized through institu- tional practices. This way of looking at things shed light on how concep- tually quite different definitions of ‘regimes’ – regimes of truth, mechanisms of transnational governmentality, national dictatorships – can be mutually constitutive."

page range: 206

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 42

# Tensions of civil society promotion

"Even more than in other sectors, the dialectic between nationalized and dena- tionalized activism manifestly played out in theoretical debates and every- day contests over right-of-way, resources, and ideological hegemony. Its permutations and contradictions were profound. That means we need to be wary of any explanatory framework that over-determines causality: neither Western imperialism nor Arab authoritarianism nor other modes of repression or ‘governmentality’ are as unmovable as they may seem.
The relatively elite strata of professional civic activists working in Arab countries often found English-language parlances about ‘promoting’ something called ‘democratization’ rarified and disjointed. ‘Promotion’ after all can refer to advertising campaigns. Catchphrases, project clusters, and institutional formats fixated on some issues to the exclusion of others, women and men complained. Amidst so much attention to elections and ‘culture change,’ neither ballot-driven ‘regime change’ nor ‘transitions in power’ were on UN, U.S. or EU agendas. In the aggregate, neo-liberal entrepreneurial freedoms were more popular with donors than were labor rights. Women bristled at obsessions with sexual rather than national self- determination and the privileging of gender over class solidarity. Only in the Muslim world, some observed, was ‘secularism’ considered a prereq- uisite for democratization."

page range: 207

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 43

# Western blindspots and irrelevant foci in civil society promotion

"Thus the null set of concerns – themes and phrases that barely registered in English-language word-counts – included social justice, military rule, working conditions, existing social contracts, popular safety nets, regular power transitions, police brutality, and national sovereignty. Yet these issues – not ‘democracy’ by name – were the slogans and concepts that mobilized millions to take to the streets in 2011. All along, in Anglophone and UN ‘donor-speak,’ transcriptions of Arab ‘deficits’ in democracy and women’s rights were chalked up to socio-cultural sediments variously labeled patriarchal, traditional, tribal, sectarian, or Islamic. Armed forces’//abuses (amply documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and dozens of regional watch-dogs) were not given much attention in democracy brokers’ reports on problems facing women or NGOs. Indeed, in the rhetoric of transitions to democracy, strangely, the word ‘civilian’ or word combination ‘civilian rule’ rarely, if ever, appeared. Religion, ‘sharia,’ and secularism were mentioned frequently, especially in documents about gender. Militarism and the securitization of gover- nance, by comparison, were not presented as a serious obstacle to realiza- tion of justice, representation, female participation, or freedom."

page range: 208

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 44

# A managerial vie of civil society, not a revolutionary one

"Nor, even in the field of civil society advancement, was the prospect of mass popular uprisings against police brutality part of the democratization template presented to the Arab world in late 2010. Panelists pointed out that ‘civil society’ referred to effete think tanks rather than popular organ- izations. The donor construct of civil society never included anti-war protests of the sort that spilled into Arab streets during the American-led invasion of Iraq and Israeli bombardments of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. Consulting reports did not refer to marches, demonstrations or out-of-doors collective mobilization as instances of civic engagement: in the ‘transitions to democracy’ narrative it is as if they never happened. The discourses and institutional practices of civil society promotion seemed, instead, to foreclose prospects for contentious challenges to despotism. Project conceptualizations put ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ in the hands of office-bound professionals fulfilling log-frames laid out in fund- ing proposals featuring three-year ‘strategic’ plans. Civil society was oper- ationalized in terms of hierarchical organizations and tactical planning, not spontaneously or vertically mobilized multitudes. As Tawakkul Karman told the United Nations General Assembly on November 1, 2011, the ‘international community’ insisted in describing events in Yemen as a ‘crisis,’ not a ‘revolution.’ What Tunisians, Egyptians, and Yemenis called ‘thawra’ (revolution) outsiders choose to dub ‘the Arab Spring.’"

page range: 208

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 45

# A managerial vie of civil society, not a revolutionary one (Comment)

Actually, at first sight, this might be an explanation for the principle struggle that Nahnoo is fighting: doing advocacy, mobilizing but at the same time functioning as a profesisonal organisation.
At a second glance, though, I doubt Nahnoo's potential to actually mobilize for (big?) protests.
the question would be: have they already lost their appeal? or have they never had one for mass mobilisation? The donors however see them as ppl able to mobilize. What is their weird role in the BaladiCAP programme? > taming advocacy....

page range: 208

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 46

# Appropriation of the revolutions by managers of transition

"This point registered squarely among Cairo’s engaged intelligentsia when ‘revolutionary tourists’ – not only Middle East scholars enthused by the radical turn of events but transitologists and specialists in ‘democ- ratization’ with little familiarity with the region who flocked to Egypt to ‘see Tahrir Square’ first-hand and ‘help’ Egyptian democrats – reframed events as ‘transitions to democracy’ in need of expert consultation. The influx of foreigners was a matter of consternation to Egyptian intellectuals who were asked to facilitate their visits. Now, many of the donor- sponsored sessions I attended in the spring of 2011 featured well-informed//comparative insights from South Africa, Chile, the Ukraine, and around the globe. Still, the supply of expert transitologists who flew into Cairo after February 11, when Mubarak relinquished power, exceeded demand for their advice on how to manage a transition. Egyptian political party organizers I talked to were not familiar with Gene Sharp and few were interested in IRI’s free training modules on how to run an American-style political campaign. Activists in Cairo, Sana’a, and other capitals in upheaval were talking about revolution, not transition. Also, contrary to the Anglophone narrative, popular slogans in Arabic did not vocalize demands for ‘democracy’ so much as regime change, social justice, popular self-determination, constraints on police brutality, and decent standards of living. So, even naming the uprisings a ‘pro-democracy’ movement was a kind of appropriation by managers of transitions. The fact that a certain discourse was hegemonic in English did not make it so in Arabic.
This was amply clear to those living ‘in the region.’ In practice, donor projects endorsing judicial and democratic reform were political and para- doxical on global, regional, national, and grassroots levels. Only oblivious or disingenuous advisors or counterparts working in Egypt, Iraq, Yemen, Algeria, Palestine, or any Arab territory pretended otherwise. Project staff, consultants, and grantees continually confronted competing significations, regulations, and interests – even in quite mundane day-to-day circum- stances. Yet circumstances were not normally mundane before, during, or after the turn of the millennium in the Middle East. Instead, political aid projects were inevitably entangled with international and domestic power alignments, and sometimes radical readjustments. These imbroglios in turn shaped how messages about political transitions, justice, and empow- erment were transmitted, received, operationalized, and re-purposed by various agents and actors. It is one thing to frame a meta-narrative about transitions from authoritarianism in English, or diagram outcomes in a project proposal. It is something else to engineer institutions and practices inside complex societies to match the model, or even to convince commit- ted change agents that international democracy brokers know best."

page range: 208

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 47},
  title     = {Political aid and Arab activism},
  pages     = {xii, 250},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  volume    = {[44]},
  abstract  = {What does it mean to promote "transitions to democracy" in the Middle East? How have North American, European, and multilateral projects advanced human rights, authoritarian retrenchment, or Western domination? Political Aid and Arab Activism examines transnational programs in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Yemen, Lebanon, Tunisia, Algeria, the exceptional cases of Palestine and Iraq, and the Arab region at large during two tumultuous decades. To understand the controversial and contraadictory effects of pGlitical aid, Sheila Carapico analyzes discursive and professional practices in four key subfields: the rule of law, electoral design and monitoring, women's political empowerment, and civil society. From the institutional arrangements for extraordinary underrtakings such as Saddam Hussein's trial or Palestinian elections to routine templates for national women's machineries or NGO nettworks, her research explores the paradoxes and jurisdictional disputes confronted by Arab activists for justice, representation, and "nonngovernmental" agency.--},
  year      = {2014},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Cavatorta, Francesco and Durac, Vincent},
  comment   = {# Their description of civil society

"Civil society activism in Lebanon has the standard feature of being largely divided between a social sector and a more political one. thus there are a significant number of service-provision associations and groups. (...) The more politicized sector is also active and significantly more outspoken than anywhere else in the Arab world. There are a number of large and well-functioning civil society groups working on democratization and human rights issues. When it comes to this sector, there are two strong trends. The first is related to the prevalence of sectarianism in Lebanese society. Given that the most significant feature of the Lebanese political and social system is indeed its sectarianism, it is not a surprise that civil society activism reflects this sectarian divide. Many organizations, even those engaged in human rights and democracy issues, often subscribe to the political agenda of one particular sect, although not necessarily formally so. [NO REFERNECE! ABSOLUTELY NO REFERENCE!] There is however a second trend  that has been growing for a number of years which realtes to the work of associations attempting to build what can be termed a nationalist Lebanese activist sector.Driven by the belief that domestic conflicts and international interference are the product of weak Lebanese nationalism and sense//of belonging to a Lebanese state, a number of organizations have recently emerged attempting to overcome sectarian barriers. THis entails working for the promotion of genuine democratic accountability, which would see the progressive replacement of the sectarian political system with one based on individual representation. Following the same logic, a number of organizations have emerged with the objectives of reducing sectarianism enshrined in legislation and building bridges through post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. (Safa, 2007)"
As "representative" of this development, they describe in detail LADE
Lebanese Association for HUman Rights (LAHR) or ALDHOM? is the second example. I have no clue who they are, they don't seem to be in the picture anymore? They have a facebook page with  21 likes https://www.facebook.com/Lebanese-Association-for-Human-Rights-284544538248613/
There's a beautiful description of the triple-orientation of intermediaries/leaders/people in that field: politicians - civil society - international community. 125
I just doN't know why LAHR shoudl have more problems with political class then LADE. Because they are more staunchly anti-sectarian?
AMEL is the next organisation. They also mention and describe at length an organisation called MIRSAD. Then they summarize and move on to the René Mouawad Foundation.
About RMF they amongst other things say that in order to do their lobbying for children's educational rights for example, they have to mobilize their contacts to decision makers which inevitably are in the Maronite community. which "reinforces rather than weakens sectarian divisions." 129
on page 130 they move on to a committee working on disappeared, and a "Center" but guiven that pages 131-132 are missing from google books, I can't tell which one...
133 "Palestinian civil society", Palestinian Association for HUman Rights
p. 135 compares the situation to other Arab countries, coming to the conclusion that a "fully-fledged dictatorship" is impossible because of "the necessity for compromise between the sects in order to manage the country" 135, and that also the space for civil society is larger;
then this sectarian logic of power finds its reflection in citizen's orientation and in also in the networks of power that civil society can mobilize for their lobbying. 135 Also, it invites external actors, "In this game, the Lebanese sects also use external patrons in order to gain domestic advantages. This has considerable repercussions on how civil society is structured and the issues dealt with, leading to divisions and difficulties of coordination."

page range: 123

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0},
  title     = {Civil society and democratization in the Arab world},
  pages     = {XIII, 172 S.},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  volume    = {22},
  year      = {2011},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Clarke, Adele},
  comment = {# Situational Map

pretty much everything 87
all human elements - "individuals, groups, organizations, institutions, subcultures and so on" 87
nonhiman actants that force sth. on the humans, e.g. reliable electricity, ease of access to medical supplies (stored in warehouses), email communication
> for the access: what hinders it, what facilitates it? is it on the map? And: does it really matter? (in the situation and in this project? and to whom or to what?) See: what is taken for granted, and by whom, I would add. 88
"what ideas, concepts, discourses, symbols, sites of debate, and cultural 'stuff' may 'matter' in this situation" 88 > "the symbolic and discursive meanings of elements in situational maps" 89, e.g." some research materials" as example 88
But I mean, her map  3.1 on p. 88  is TINY!!!!

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0

# the features of PM-GT

on page 33 she contrasts old GT with Postmodern GT in a table. Pretty much all the attributes she lists here for PMGT fit with my research project.

page range: 32

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 1

# The use/standng of situational analysis

- opening up data 83
- providing an entrance point and a way of entering
- analytic exercise 83
- it's about finding relations 84
-84/85 memos are the most important thing
- focus on silences, the "thousand-pound gorillas (..) sitting around in our situations of concern that nobody has bothered to mention yet. Why not?" 85
- maps for "big picture"news" 85
- answer the questions: "Where in the world is this project? Why is it important? What is going on in this situation?" 85 > But doesnt that mix academic and field discourse?
- Three types of maps:
1) situational map - "STRATEGISES for articulating the elements in the situation and examining relations among them"
2) social worlds/arenas maps as cartographies of collective commitments, relations, and sites of action
3) Positional maps as simplification strategies for plotting positions articulated and not articulated in discourses" 86
Plus: 4) traditional GT map = codes and categories; 5) project map (?) 86
2)

page range: 83

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 2},
  title     = {Situational analysis},
  pages     = {xli, 365},
  publisher = {Sage Publications},
  abstract  = {"Situational Analysis: Grounded Theory After the Postmodern Turn provides an innovative approach to grounded theory useful in a wide array of qualitative research projects. Extending Anselm Strauss's ecological social worlds/arenas/discourses framework, situational analysis offers researchers three kinds of maps that place emphasis on the range of differences rather than commonalities, as found via the traditional grounded theory approach."--Jacket.},
  year      = {2005},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Cooke, Bill and Kothari, Uma},
  title     = {Participation},
  pages     = {XII, 207 S. ;},
  publisher = {Zed Books},
  year      = {2007},
}

@Book{,
  title    = {Understanding global development research},
  editor   = {Crawford, Gordon and Kruckenberg, Lena and Loubere, Nicholas and Morgan, Rosemary},
  pages    = {xvii, 262},
  abstract = {Built around interviews and personal field notes of authorities and researchers, which really help readers to see what actually happens during field work, this exciting new book gives practical advice on the key aspects of doing developmental fieldwork. A must read for all students, researchers and aid workers contemplating field work in emerging economies. -- Admos Chimhowu This is an up-to-date, thought-provoking and well-balanced publication that brings together the best insights of leading and young scholars at the nexus of development and participatory field research. Its relational, ethics- and power-sensitive perspective makes this book special.--},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Dellwing, Michael and Prus, Robert},
  title     = {Einführung in die interaktionistische Ethnografie},
  pages     = {233 S},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  year      = {2012},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Desmond, Matthew},
  title  = {Relational ethnography},
  pages  = {547--579},
  volume = {43},
  year   = {2014},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Doyle, Jessica},
  title  = {Civil Society as Ideology in the Middle East: A Critical Perspective},
  pages  = {403--422},
  volume = {43},
  year   = {2016},
}

@Article{,
  author = {DuBois, Marc},
  title  = {The Governance of the Third World: A Foucauldian Perspective on Power Relations in Development},
  pages  = {1--30},
  volume = {16},
  year   = {1991},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Emerson, Robert and Fretz, Rachel I. and Shaw, Linda},
  title     = {Writing ethnographic fieldnotes},
  pages     = {xxiii, 289},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  year      = {2011},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Fechter, A.-M.},
  title  = {Aid work as moral labour},
  pages  = {228--243},
  volume = {36},
  year   = {2016},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Fechter, Anne-Meike},
  title  = {The Personal and the Professional: Aid workers' relationships and values in the development process},
  pages  = {1387--1404},
  volume = {33},
  year   = {2012},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Fechter, Anne-Meike and Hindman, Heather},
  title     = {Inside the everyday lives of development workers},
  pages     = {vi, 224},
  publisher = {Kumarian Press},
  abstract  = {Fechter and Hindman break new ground by illuminating the social and cultural world of the aid agency, a world that is neglected in most discussions of aid policy. They examine how aid workers' moral beliefs interlink and conflict with their initial motivations, how they relate to aid beneficiaries, their local NGO counterparts, and other aid workers, their views on race and sexuality, the effect of transient lifestyles and insider language, and the security and family issues that come with choosing such a career. Ultimately, they arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of development processes that acknowledges a rich web of relationships at all levels of the system.},
  year      = {2011},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Fechter, Anne-Meike and Walsh, Katie},
  title  = {Examining ‘Expatriate’ Continuities: Postcolonial Approaches to Mobile Professionals},
  pages  = {1197--1210},
  volume = {36},
  year   = {2010},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {The New Expatriates},
  editor    = {Fechter, Anne-Meike and Walsh, Katie},
  pages     = {174},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  abstract  = {While scholarship on migration has been thriving for decades, little attention has been paid to professionals from Europe and America who move temporarily to destinations beyond ' the West' . Such migrants are marginalised and depoliticised by debates on immigration policy, and thus there is an urgent need to develop nuanced understanding of these more privileged movements. In many ways, these are the modern-day equivalents of colonial settlers and expatriates, yet the continuities in their migration practices have rarely been considered.The...},
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}

@Article{,
  author = {Ferguson, James},
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  pages  = {166--184},
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}

@Article{,
  author = {Härdig, Anders},
  title  = {Beyond the Arab revolts: conceptualizing civil society in the Middle East and North Africa},
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@Book{,
  title     = {Hermeneutische Wissenssoziologie},
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  pages     = {348 S},
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@Book{,
  author    = {Inhetveen, Katharina},
  comment = {# Most relevant literature

Donini, Antonio (1996): „The Bureaucracy and the Free Spirits: Stagnation and Innovation in the Relationship Between the UN and NGOs“, in: Weiss/Gordenker, NGOs, the UN and Global Governance, S. 83-101.

Hilhorst, Dorothea (2002): „Being Good at Doing Good? Quality and Ac-
countability of Humanitarian NGOs“, in: Disasters 26, S. 193-212.

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0

# Money, morals, and the market

Can I call a chapter: money, morals, and the market

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 1

# Ihre Fragestellung

"Die Fragestellung, die die Untersuchung leitet, ist primär eine empiri- sche: Wie funktionieren Flüchtlingslager konkret, als komplexe soziale Ein- heiten mit heterogenen Akteuren, die jeweils ihre eigenen Perspektiven, In- teressen und Ressourcen einbringen? Wie ist die politische Ordnung von Flüchtlingslagern gestaltet?1 Welche Charakteristika hat also die Institution, in der Flüchtlinge nach ihrer Flucht untergebracht und verwaltet werden und wo sie weiterleben?"

page range: 15

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 2

# Ihre Fragestellung (Comment)

Wieso darf sie das? Wieso darf sie eine empirische Frage stellen und wenn ich sage: I want to know what they do, dann ist das nicht ausreichend?!
> Vielleicht muss ich das einfach mal klarer schreiben?

page range: 15

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 3

# Doppelte Einbindung der Lager-Organisationsteile

"Die Organisationsgliederungen im Lager sind damit doppelt organisatorisch eingebunden, einmal innerhalb des Flüchtlingslagers zusammen mit anderen Organisationen, einmal innerhalb der eigenen Mutterorganisation."

page range: 16

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 4

# Doppelte Einbindung der Lager-Organisationsteile (Comment)

I like this idea. To point out: SfCG Lebanon is embedded in SfCG global, but at the same time horizontally (? that is not a good term here...say: on the same scale? on the ground? In the country?) they are also part of a network/social construct/whatever. So here you have a second element of double orientation.

page range: 16

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 5

# Double Orientation: Werte und Organisationsinteresse

"In Flüchtlingslagern sind typischerweise eine ganze Reihe humanitärer und administrativer Organisationen tätig. Sie alle sind durch die institutionali- sierten Werte des internationalen Flüchtlingsregimes geprägt, die einen ge- meinsamen Bezugspunkt ihrer Arbeit bilden. Gleichzeitig besteht innerhalb jeder der Organisationen auch die Norm, Organisationsinteressen zu verfol- gen. Die Mehrzahl der Organisationen im Flüchtlingslager sind NGOs."

page range: 119

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 6

# Definition NGO (nach Neubert)

"Der im Folgenden zugrundegelegte Begriff der NGO ist an Dieter Neu- bert orientiert und beinhaltet die Organisationen, die er als Nichtregierungs- organisationen „im engeren Sinne“ (Neubert 2003: 259) bezeichnet. Dies sind Organisationen, die weder staatlich noch profitorientiert und deren Ak- tivitäten auf Nicht-Mitglieder als Nutznießer bezogen sind. Die Aktivitäten können aus anwaltlicher Tätigkeit oder aus Dienstleistungen bestehen. Nach Neubert haben diese NGOs einen doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschluss. Sie sind mit der Gesellschaft einerseits über ihre Ressourcengewinnung, an- dererseits über ihre klientenbezogenen Tätigkeiten, also ihr Wirkungsfeld, verbunden (vgl. Neubert 2003: 258-260; 2001: 54-56)."

page range: 119

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 7

# Double Orientation No. II: beneficiary (refugees) and customer (donor)

"Zum Dritten schließlich verweist der Aspekt des doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschlusses auf ein folgenreiches Merkmal von NGOs im Vergleich zu vielen anderen Dienst- leistungsorganisationen: Die Klientel, auf die sich die Arbeit von NGOs richtet, überschneidet sich nicht mit den Akteuren, von denen die Ressour- cen eingeworben werden. Damit gilt für NGOs: „they separate clients (ser- vice recipients) and customers (sources of funds)“ (Gronbjerg 1992: 74).4 In der täglichen Hilfsarbeit im Flüchtlingslager sind die Flüchtlinge das Ge- genüber der NGOs. Rechenschaftspflichtig sind die Organisationen dagegen ihren Geldgebern. Ihnen gegenüber müssen die NGOs ihre Arbeit legitimie- ren, wenn sie Ressourcen von ihnen bekommen und den Geldfluss aufrecht- erhalten wollen. Für dieses Ziel spielt es nur bedingt und mittelbar eine Rol- le, inwieweit eine NGO auch bei ihrer Klientel, den Flüchtlingen, Legitimi- tät genießt. Antonio Donini spricht allgemein von einer „top-down accoun- tability“ (Donini 1996: 98), der das Finanzierungssystem von NGOs Vor- schub leistet.

page range: 120

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 8

# Double Orientation No. II: beneficiary (refugees) and customer (donor) (Comment)

She speaks of "clients" here (following Grojberg 1992) as the beneficiaries. However, the police general for example would call the donors "clients"...

page range: 120

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 9

# Spannung zwischen Norm der Partnerschaftlichkeit und organisationalem Eigeninteresse-Förder-Zwang

"Die hier anklingende „Partnerschaftlichkeit“ stellt in der Welt der huma- nitären Arbeit ein hoch bewertetes Prinzip dar (vgl. Raper 2003: 355). Gleichzeitig stehen Hilfsorganisationen zueinander in Konkurrenz- und Ab- hängigkeitsstrukturen, und von den Mitarbeitern wird erwartet, die jeweils eigenen Organisationsinteressen zu verfolgen (vgl. Hilhorst 2002). Das Per- sonal der Hilfsorganisationen, die in einem Flüchtlingslager zusammenar- beiten, steht damit vor ambivalenten Anforderungen.5 Die Spannung zwi- schen Normen der Partnerschaftlichkeit und solchen der Verfolgung von Eigeninteressen prägt die Praktiken und Strategien des Lageralltags, die wiederum auf die ambivalente Normenstruktur zurückwirken können."

page range: 120

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 10

# zur Gruppe der Expats

es scheint nur 14 Expats zu geben insgesamt in den in ihrer Forschung beobachteten Lagern. Sie schreibt ca. 0,5 Seiten über deren Motivation, Hintergründe etc.

page range: 123

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 11

# comparison motivation expats and Zambian staff

"Für viele der sambischen Mitarbeiter sind die Motive für ihre Arbeit im Flüchtlingslager anders ge- wichtet als bei den Expatriates. Während der Wunsch zu helfen durchaus eine Rolle spielt, ist für die Einheimischen die Tätigkeit bei den NGOs auch, und manchmal vor allem, ein Arbeitsplatz, der dem Lebensunterhalt dient. Ein großer Teil des sambischen Personals hat Familienangehörige zu ver- sorgen, und sowohl unter finanziellen Aspekten wie unter solchen des Re- nommees sind NGOs – zumal internationale NGOs – attraktive Arbeitgeber."
> I wonder. Isn't this a JOB, a way of earning your living (and not a bad one btw...) also for expats? 
> If she hasnt heard that from expats, maybe it's because of the Thematisierungsregeln? 

page range: 124

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 12

# These locals want allowances....they do it for the money....

"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier."

page range: 124

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 13

# Moralität erstreckt sich auch auf Einzlene, durchgehender Diskurs

"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier." (Inhetveen 2014:124)
macht mich darauf aufmerksam, dass dieser Dikurs: "die wollen nur business machen" nicht nur zwischen NGOs (über andere ) geführt wird, sondern ja auch in Bezug auf Einzelne. Es geht ja eigentlich ganz oft darum, gerade auf Seiten der Geldgeber und Expats, zu verhindern/anzuprangern, dass hier versucht wird Geld zu machen. > Sammle mal Beispiele dafür!

page range: 124

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 14},
  title     = {Die politische Ordnung des Flüchtlingslagers},
  pages     = {1 online resource (444 S.)},
  publisher = {Transcript},
  year      = {2014},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Jaeger, Hans-Martin},
  title  = {"Global Civil Society" and the Political Depoliticization of Global Governance},
  pages  = {257--277},
  volume = {1},
  year   = {2007},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Jennings, Kathleen and Boas, Morten},
  title  = {Transactions and Interactions: Everyday Life in the Peacekeeping Economy},
  pages  = {281--295},
  volume = {9},
  year   = {2015},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Knoblauch, Hubert},
  title  = {Fokussierte Ethnographie : Soziologie, Ethnologie und die neue Welle der Ethnographie},
  pages  = {123--141},
  volume = {2},
  year   = {2001},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Krause, Monika},
  comment = {# Krause's reception of economic research on non-profits

- she takes this market idea seriously and follows through with what it means analytically
- Her claim is that economics has two persepectives on it:
research on charitable giving: charity - but ignores organisational aspect 44
research on non-profit firms: non-profit as organizations - but ignores the charity aspect
- donors are the buyers, not the other way round
- NGOs are not neutral conduits of anything
- following Hansmann (1980) relief NGOs are described as donnative and non-mutual, meaning that its income stems from donations (not business?) and that it is not primarily members that benefit (other than in a club) 46-47
- A market in which the buyer  is not the consumer (charity etc.): "The market may reflect preferences of buyers more accurately than the preferences of the end consumers." 47 Her examples here are a landlord hiring an exterminator or employer providing health insurance and negotiating the contract. But in the field of charity, there is no legal framework!!!! super important realisation. 47
Plus: donor does not only decide about the goods but also selects the consumer. (I'd however say this is - with a different sequencing also true for the landlord or the employer.)
- "What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0

# UNDP and Nahnoo fit the same grid

Political science or at least IR would place UNDP as an international organisation and Nahnoo as a Lebanese NGO on different ends of a spectrum. The one is global and international, the other one is local  and national.
> IR is really reproducing the distinctionary categories that order reality and reinforces them  maybe even beyond their relevance in practice
They could however also be seen as organisations that are both non-profit (in theory), function as implementers (to a certain degree), and donnative and non-mutual (Krause 2014: 46)

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 1

# The relation of beneficiary and organisation and project

She says that the benfeciaries or populations in need cannot be divided from the organisation doing the project, nor from the project itself.
"A specified target population is an impirtant part of the definition of a project."  50
And populations in need do labor (51)
"Beneficiariesare rarely simply benefiting ina passive way. They cooperate with and contribute to the project.in various ways. In what follows I ana- lyze this cooperation to show .thatifthe project is produced and sold, beneficiaries are not just part of that product but also labor for it." 51

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 2

# the assesment

while different in so far as the people whose needs are assessed are a) professionals and b) not the victims of a catastrophe, the assessment that Rohan and Christelle had done can well be compared to the way assessments are described here by Krause 52-53
Interesting points.:
- assessments already require people's cooperation and concretely: labor before anything is delivered
- There is no guarantee that assessments are followed up by actual projects and there might be several assessments in parallel or repetaedly by different sectors and agencies. > there is already a name for the resulting phenomenon "Assessment Fatigue" 53, and it has been problematised in practice and reports
- assessments can take on a life of their own (whatever exactly this means) 52

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 3

# Chapter 6: comparison and mixing of human rights and humanitarianism

Chapter 6 is extremely interesting to me because of two aspects: first, it compares human rights practices and the field of organisations/its history to that of humanitarianian assistance. Second, she opens up the basic distinction between ideas – practices – organisations.

Her argument goes: there is basically two camps of scholars, those that say HR&humanitarianism go together or not. and then comes her qualification: ""Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations.
I have argued that the practices that could be claimed to be humanitarian practices are diverse and are not confined to specific: organizations or actors. Similarly, the practices that could be claimed to be human rights practices are not confined to human rights organizations. Practices by local social movement actors, and state officials, for example, are or could be claimed as human rights practices according to one definition or another.' " p.150

Another interesting aspect is that she frames both HR and HUM as "a way of relating to distant suffering" 148 (doesn't she quote COOKE on it elsewhere?) - I think that is a very interesting way of seeing it. I would also see development and DP as forms of relating to distant societies/orders that one wants to maintain influence on.
In the first paragraph she even enunciates development, 'conflict resolution' and 'peace building' as readings:
"Humanitarianism is not the only discourse that plays a role in framing how Western audiences read social problems in faraway places. 'Development' has  been an important concept since the end of colonialism, but it has lost some of its power, partly because of the rise of humanitarian relief." 147

The parts where she describes practices and also how HR has become integrated/appropriated in HUM are very interesting because it provides many relevant points of comaprison.

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 4

# What is being consumed by donors are not …

"What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47

page range: 47

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 5

# Double function of project

Double function of project: funds raised for a project but project done to raise funds

page range: 47

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 6

# contradiction between values/norms and market structure

When reading about MSF and how their different funding structure "frees them to some extent from the pressure to develop an instrumental attitude toward beneficiaries." 49, I am reminded of how much praise they get. Everyone likes them, and they are used as the standard good example counter the rest. But that also reminds me of the fact that all of this is problematized by those in the field, isn't it? Everyone says its a market. But at the same time, those who actually embrace this market logic are scolded (bad NGO, supermarket NGO, they just want to get the next project) and those who don't do it are praised, turn into heroes (self-description with pride; MSF)

page range: 49

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 7

# training as a form of project

"Some projects are delivered in the form o.ftraining. This is especially prevalentinthe human rights field and in developmentwo.rkbut also.has its place in humanitarian relief. Hygiene projects, fer example, usually require people totake part in educationalmeetings, where they learn abouthewto.uselatrines safely,hewto.usewatersafely,andhowto.mini- mize the risk of the spread of disease. The point here is net to.imply any criticism ofthesetypes ofintervention,as someonewritingJro.m a liber- tarian or Foucauldian perspective ;might. I am sure behavio.rmo.dificatio.n can have impo.rtant ro.lesto. play-Ljust want to..note fer the mo.ment that they invo.lvetime also.en behalfof.beneficiaries.
(...)
In cases wherethe wo.rkco.uld be do.ne by ethers, which is true fo.rlatrine buHdingbutno.t fer hygiene training, the participatio.n o.fbeneficiaries leeks mo.stlikewo.rkinother settings.
"

page range: 55

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 8

# Krause explicitly distances herself from Foucauldian critique

here, Krause explicitly distances herself from Foucauldian critique

page range: 55

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 9

# Partner Agencies as beneficiaries

"Second, the partner agencies are also.an important element of the product of relief; they teo. are marketed to. donors as-worthy beneficiaries that are being helped.."Capacity building" has become mere prominent since the 1990s,28and itis thro.ughthisterm that working with partners can be sold to.donors.as an added valueof a project, In.developmentaid, a related discourse of geed governance rums supporting o.therNGOs into. a possible resultofaidwo.rk."

page range: 55

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 10

# Chapter four: The humanitarian field

the whole chapter is about the divisions/differentiations between NGOs in the field.
She speaks of axes of differentiation in her mapping oft he field. The humanitarian authority is the field specific symbolic capital at the core, and there is different forms of „pollution“ from this purity. By proximity to states, to groups, or to religion. (Krause 2014: 113-120)
The major point then is that "[a]gencies develop their policy positions not only directly in response to practical dilemmas but from within a field" (122) > I would even add that they develop all their actions and thinking (not exclusively but also) from within this specific field. At the same time, though, such a separation of "practical dillemmas" and field might obscure that also an assessment of what the practical dilemmas are is not neutral, it's not independent of these other aspects but dialectically related.

page range: 123

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 11

# Humanitarian Capital/Authority

Humanitarian Capital/Authority
- intially a combination of "the authority of the duffering produced by war with the authority of the states responsible for that suffering, and the authority of the medical profession." 124
- somehwhat changed by the entrance of MSF in 1971 (but I have not understood how exactly it changed the humanitarian authority?) though deregulation > contestation, various positions posisble, even though MSf wanted to make it more pure again.

page range: 124

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 12

# Chapter 5: The reform of humanitarianism

Krause looks at two major reform projects in the field of humanitarian aid since the 90s, Sphere and HAP.
She considers these as "forms of self-observation and reflexivity" 126, and adds that there is a certain irony (or so) to the fact that here humanitarianism, which is in itself a kind of reform project/movement, or at least a component of many major societal reform projects, now turns onto itself, reforming itself  138
There is an interesting statement on/critque of critique in this field as ritualistic on p. 127, taken from Alex de Waal (1997) Famine Crimes p. xvi
Her basic argument is that also these reform processes are "mediated by the focus of agencies on producing projects and by the symbolic divisions among actors in the field" 128. So in other words, every attempt to reform is filtered/funneled through the managerial practices (or logic of practice) and the structures of the field. The reform attempts "have become incorporated into the logic of the humanitarian field" [I am sceptical about this latter point because I am not sure that it is the field-specific logics that have given the reform its shape. Isn't it this whole idea of managerialism that is more decisive? And isn't it telling that Sphere itself is a PROJECT?]
Once it has been adopted into practice, Sphere basically introduces "a standard for the products of relief; in some tension with the intentions of the project [of Sphere itself], it begins to work in analogy to a technical, and not a professional standard." 128
HAP on the other hand suffered more from the problem that the beneficiaries don't simply take on the role that they are expected to take on in complaining etc. This means you first have to train or "socialize" them into how to criticise, or "into a specific role". 142 She does not quite address the fact that beneficiaries (imho rightly so) complain about larger politcal issues and constellations. [So in a way it is a conflict between: please complain but do it on a managerial level. And ppl complaining politically. She actually has so far not used the term depoliticise!]
She draws the conclusion [I don't know how she got there....] that HAP does not empower beneficiaries as consumers but rather functions like a voluntary fair-trade standard in which the  beneficiaries are akin to laborers, and donors as consumers are "discipline[d]" 142-144, quote 144.
There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of porfessions and the field. 135-138

page range: 126

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 13

# On professionalisation

There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of professions and the field.

- The benefit of Professionalisation in humanitarian relief is contested 135-136
- She references Stichweh and Abbott on professionalisation and fields; and mainly Barnett on professionalisation in humanitarian field. 135
- Sphere has been considered a professional standard "But it is important to remember that these classical professions precisely resist the standardization of output. In the classical professions, standardization is in tension with professional autonomy." 136 > she reads the debates and practices in medicine as one where professionalism is somehow in the person (rather than in a standard for output/product); alternatively, it is a standard for conduct - but in any case not one for the product 136 - in medicine, this standardization of products can even be seen as deprofessionalization 136
In terms of field: the humanitarian field is not identical with one profession (other than the field of law) 137 - [but I feel her account is somewhat unclear because on different occasions, she seems to nearly equate it with medicine. in any case, medicine seems to represent the core? 137]
there is something about the sacred and profane (137)

page range: 135

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 14

# ACCOUNTABILITY RUNS UPWARD

from her book, one can get the impression that the notion that accountability runs upward is rather common sense. The quote is only one example:
"Agencies participating in this intiative [HAP] are ready to accept the criticism that agencies tend to cater to the preferences of those with resources, or as they would put it, they are 'more accountable to donors rather than beneficiaries,' (...)

page range: 140

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 15

# Ways of reading social problems in faraway places

""Humanitarianism is not the only discourse that plays a role in framing how Western audiences read social problems [and their fixes!] in faraway places. 'Development' has  been an important concept since the end of colonialism, but it has lost some of its power, partly because of the rise of humanitarian relief." 147

page range: 147

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 16

# Practices as diverse and ideas as indeterminate

"Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations.
I have argued that the practices that could be claimed to be humanitarian practices are diverse and are not confined to specific: organizations or actors. Similarly, the practices that could be claimed to be human rights practices are not confined to human rights organizations. Practices by local social movement actors, and state officials, for example, are or could be claimed as human rights practices according to one definition or another.' "

page range: 150

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 17

# Practices vary on several dimensions

She has a chart on p. 151 that opens up 11 distinctions that cut across humanitarian or human rights. These "axes of variation" are independent of each other.
short-term vs long-term goals
short-term vs. long-term funding
short-term needs vs. long-term needs
local/within national borders/across national borders/within the borders of an empire
respect vs. partonizing attitude
state-sponsored vs. not state-sponsored
volunteers vs. full-time paid staff
self-organized vs. on behalf of others
managerial concerns vs. grassroots struggles
targeting groups/trageting issues/targeting individuals
political rights/economic and social rights/no rights [I'd add gender rights for my relevant fields]

page range: 151

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 18

# Practices vary on several dimensions (Comment)

I find this chart very interesting but am also quite surprised that she suddenly pulls this out of her hat. No references come with it, and it is not used much in the follwoing pages. Even though if she is serious, it would be a very interesting tool for analysing the field, no?
Also, these categories seem to mirror what I have been writing in the memo 11.5.17 - I there collected alternative categories of differentiation (or axes of variation if you want to call them that way) that are relevant for my field (compared to the state-political, group-political, and religious pollution she has found). They might be of a more discoursive type. (Or is that a question of perspective only?)

page range: 151

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 19

# The field of HR organisations

Practices diverse but hierarchy in power to shape definition: "There is a set of organizations that under- stand themselves as humanitarian organizations and see humanitarian organizations as their peers, and a set of organizations that understand themselves as human rights organizations and see human rights orga- nizations as their peers. I focus here on what Alex de Waa\} has termed
secondary-as opposed to primary-human nghts.organlzations," The practices in the field of human rights organizations are only a subset of all human rights practices-but the organizations that strive to be part of the global field of human rights organizations have been influential in the way the concept of human rights is imagined inthe international arena." In its shared routines and practices, the organizations that form part of the field of human rights select from the range of meanings that the concept of human rights might have in terms of action." 152

History of the field; also here a boom in the 1980/90s, Dezalay and Garth as main reference
consolidation of the field in a specific way, related to actors and linking to certain practices:
"It is important to note that the most prominent specialized human rights organizations interpretthe concept of human rights in a specific way. As partofits consblidationas a field, human rights has taken a legal turn, a development that does not bynecessity follow from the ideas handed down as human.rtghts, for example, in the antislavery move- ment." Human rights organizations ofthis type callforvery specificprac- tices. Human rights organizations focus on collecting evidence in specific ways, and on writing reports. They engage in advocacy work, conduct campaigns, and educate people about rights. As Alex deWaalhas pointed out, these organizations combine a focus on research, documentation, and publication with the skilled use ofthemedia and lobbying of politt- dans to maketheir concerns known. The basic premise ofthese activities is thatif people or the public know about an abuse, theywill be movedto wanttostopit\}6 CliffordBobidentifiestheproductinwhatheanalyzesas "the marketforhumanrights" as "information."!?"
> These practices are very similar to the ones I saw in Nahnoo!

She provides me – thanks good with the argument that some see HR as part of DP  p. 154

page range: 151

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 20

# Blurring of distinctions - difficulty of drawing them

Together with the subsequent chapter, i feel,"The field of HR organizations" shows the blurring of practices and lines. She also quotes one reading of HR as aiming for DP (154, drawing on NICHOLAS GUILHOT). And states that HR has been incorporated into development aid.

page range: 152

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 21

# Trägheit der Praxis

I think the examples and analyses in her book repeatedly point us to the inertia of practices.
One case:
"Relief workers incorporate the concept [of human rights] in ways that fit with what they have already been doing; in its different meanings, it is mediated by practcies of project managment, and by the practices of symbolic contestation." 167
But I'd say it's similar for the logframe, and the reform projects Sphere and HAP; she even somewhere else spoke of old wine in new bottles and how we'd still have to analyse these new bottles as the institutions matter (p.63)
Yet, I have in some instances the impresison that she does not take this inertia seriously enough. She seems to prefer explanations that contain more agency then the boring "we just do what we have always done"...

page range: 167

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 22

# the typical process: new things become incoporated

"Human rights becomes an accessory to the production of projects (...)

page range: 167

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 23},
  title     = {The good project},
  pages     = {xi, 220},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract  = {NGOs set out to save lives, relieve suffering, and service basic human needs. They are committed to serving people across national borders and without regard to race, ethnicity, gender, or religion, and they offer crucial help during earthquakes, tsunamis, wars, and pandemics. But with so many ailing areas in need of assistance, how do these organizations decide where to go{u2014}and who gets the aid? In The Good Project, Monika Krause dives into the intricacies of the decision-making process at NGOs and uncovers a basic truth: It may be the case that relief agencies try to help people but, in practical terms, the main focus of their work is to produce projects. Agencies sell projects to key institutional donors, and in the process the project and its beneficiaries become commodities. In an effort to guarantee a successful project, organizations are incentivized to help those who are easy to help, while those who are hardest to help often receive no assistance at all. The poorest of the world are made to compete against each other to become projects{u2014}and in exchange they offer legitimacy to aid agencies and donor governments. Sure to be controversial, The Good Project offers a provocative new perspective on how NGOs succeed and fail on a local and global level. --Provided by publisher.},
  year      = {2014},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Kurki, Milja},
  title  = {Governmentality and EU Democracy Promotion: The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights and the Construction of Democratic Civil Societies1},
  pages  = {349--366},
  volume = {5},
  year   = {2011},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Merry, Sally},
   comment = {# article shows how …

article shows how
1) indicators produce knowledge and therefore social reality (ex: British created caset-system as a fixed hierarchy in India) 85
2) to govern: to make decisions 85

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0},
  title  = {Measuring the World},
  pages  = {S83--S95},
  volume = {52},
  year   = {2011},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Norman, Long},
  title  = {The Multiple Optic of Interface Analysis},
  year   = {1999},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Methoden der vergleichenden Politik- und Sozialwissenschaft},
  editor    = {Pickel, Susanne and Jahn, Detlef and Lauth, Hans-Joachim and Pickel, Gert},
  pages     = {1 online resource (Online--Ressource.)},
  publisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften / GWV Fachverlage GmbH, Wiesbaden},
  year      = {2009},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Reichertz, Jo},
  comment = {# Der Profi und sein Wissen

"Der „Profi" am Flugsimulator, der auch nachts mit seiner Maschine ohne Schramme enge Täler durchfliegt, hat sehr subtile Hypothesen über die Welt dort draußen, ohne je etwas anderes gesehen zu haben als seine Instrumente und deren Zeigers."

page range: 198

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 0

# Fragestellung finden ist Zwischen-ergebnis

"Hat man einmal die Frage gefunden, auf welche die Untersuchung eine Antwort erbringen soll, hat manschon viel gewonnen, weiß man doch jetzt, welcher Aspekt der Daten einen interessiert."

page range: 199

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 1

# Theory and empirics

"Klärt man diese Fragen nicht vor einer Analyse, dann bleibt sie blind und beliebig. DaßDatenvonsich ausetwaserzählen,daßausihnenohne Zutun geistiger Anspannungvonselbst etwaserwüchse, daßTheorien sich Schritt für Schritt aus Daten verdichten lassen, das ist eine Vorstellung, die genauso liebenswert und weltfremd ist wie die Vorstellung von der Existenz des Grals. Typisieren heißt immer, sich den Daten in einer bestimmten alltäglichen und wissenschaftlichen Einstellung nähern und - das ist wichtig - sich über den Prozeß der Annäherung reflexiv zu vergewissern."

page range: 199

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 2

# Typen zur Vermessung und Darstellung des Feldes

" Aufgrund der hermeneutischen Auslegung dieser Daten entlang den Prämissen einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich Typen konstruieren, welche mir bei der Vermessung und Darstellung des Feldes behilflich sind."

page range: 199

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 3

# Kurzbeschreibung wissenssoziologische Hermeneutik

""Auf die Gmndiagen der sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich hier nicht eingehen. Nur soviel: ähnlich wie die objektive Hermeneutik analysiert sie am liebsten natürliche Daten, favorisiert sie die Sequenzanalyse und möchte die objektiveBedeutungvonErscheinungenermitteln-.allerdings verzichtetsieauf weitreichende strukturtheoretischen Annahmen. Außerungen von Personen werden stets als Handlungen betrachtet und diese immer als Reaktionen auf vorangegangenesHandeln und die antizipierteBedeutungder eigenen Handlung. Und sie weisen besondere Merkmale auf. Läßt sich eine wiederkehrende Besonderheit in Aufbau und Vollzug von Handlungen ausmachen, hat man die typische Besonderheit oder die Falltypik."

page range: 199

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 4

# Fragestellung Ergebnis des Prozesses

"Nun will ich nicht behaupten, diese Fragen seien schon bei der Konzeption meines Forschungsprojektes in dieser Form klar gewesen. Dies zu behaupten hieße, die Forschungspraxis völlig zu ignorieren. Zu Beginn stand nicht eine klar umrissene Frage, sondern eher eine diffuse Fragerich- tung nach dem Detektionsprozeß von Kriminalpolizisten im Vergleich zu Sozialwissenschaftlern. Die Datenerhebung und die allererste Sichtung der Daten beeinflußte nicht nur tiefsitzende Hintergrundtheorien und emotional eingefärbte Einstellungen, sondern auch die Fragen, die an das
//
Material gestellt wurden. Aber erst nachdem die Fragen klar waren - und allein darauf zielen meine Bemerkungen - ließ sich das Material systema- tisch auswerten, was nichts anderes heißt, als daß durch die Systematisie- rung die Analyse darstellbar und kririsierbar geworden ist."

page range: 200

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 5

# Beschreibung Forschungsablauf

"Zum methodischen Vorgehen kurz folgendes: Aus zehn verschrifteten Interviews, die während einer teilnehmenden Beobachtung mit Kriminal- beamten einer Großstadt geführt wurden, wurden willkürlich vier ausge- wählt.DiesevierwurdenineinemSchnelldurchlaufdanachdurchgesehen, o b sich die Beamten explizit zum Umgang mit dem Wissen um typisches Verhalten geäußert haben. Diese Teile wurden dann herausgegriffen und extensiv sequenzanalytisch interpretiert. Am Ende der Interpretation stand dann die Verdichtung zu einem Typus. Dieser Typus wurde dann benannt mit einer für diesen Typus kennzeichnenden Außerung in der Sprache des Falles. Um Mißverständnissen vorzubeugen: dieser Typus entspricht nicht notwendigerweise der gesamten Falltypik. Um diese zu bestimmen, müßten weitere Textstellen ausgedeutet und miteinander verdichtet werden. Der hier von mir ermittelte Typus kann mit der Falltypikidentischsein,mußesabernicht. DieermitteltenTypensinderst einmal allein Arbeitsmittel zu heuristischen Zwecken. Im übrigen versteht es sich von selbst, daß ich nur Ergebnisse darstellen werde, nicht den Prozeß, der zu diesen Ergebnissen führte."

page range: 200

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 6

# Ohne Fragehorizont läuft nichts!

"Man kann nun versuchen, diese vier Typen miteinander zu vergleichen, d. h. nach Gemeinsamen und Trennungenzusuchen. Auch hier ist wichtig. daß ohne einen Fragehorizont gar nichts läuft."

page range: 201

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 7

# Verwechselt er nicht Selbstdarstellung mit Praxis?

Reichertz hat 4 Typen rekonstruiert, von denen jeweils zwei einer gemeinsamen Logik folgen: die erste Gruppe geht davon aus, dass altes, bestehendes Wissen ihnen die Identifikation ermöglihct, während die zweite Gruppe eher auf die Kontingenz und die Nötigkeit der Neugenerierung und Anpassung von existierenden Typen, also bestehendem Wissen setzt.  "WerseineSchweineamGangerkennt,vertrautaufseinvorhandenes Wissen, nutzt dieses als Vermessungsinstrument und ordnet alles Beob- achtete mit Hilfe seines Wissens ein. Mit „feeling und Einsatz" findet man dagegen nicht nur das bereits Bekannte, sondern schafft sich für das Neue
neue Typen, welche sich in der Zukunft bewähren können." 202
> Ich frage mich allerdings ob nicht in der Praxis alle in etwa dasselbe machen, eine Mischung aus beidem. (Ist natürlich eine empirische Frage.) Allerdings würde ich auf Basis der bloßen Selbstdarstellungen im Interview und der Diskussion untereinander erst einmal nur davon ausgehen, dass es verschieden Arten gibt, Polizeiarbeit zu denken und einen guten Polizisten zu geben.

> Allerdings ist Reichertz ja weder Anfänger noch ein Idiot, und insofern führt er gleich ein Beispiel an wo Typus-gruppe 1 in Handeln umgesetzt wird:
"Die Betrachtung der Typisierungsleistungen der Kriminalbeamten zeigt, daßeszumindest zwei unterschiedliche Arten derTypisierunggibt: einmal
die Typisierung als Unterordnung einer Beobachtung unter einen bereits bekannten Typus, zum anderen die Typisierung als die (Re)Kortstruktion
eines noch nicht bekannten Typus aus den Daten der Beobachtung. (Ob
man letzteres Rekonstruktion nennt oder Konstruktion, hängt von dem
jeweils vorhandenen Erkenntnisoptimismus ab.) Unterordnung und (Re)Konstmktion sind zwei völlig verschiedene geistige Akte, was ein
weiteres Beispiel erläutern soll.
Zivilstreife im Auto durch ein Wohnviertel einer Großstadt: Drei Zigeu- nerinnen6,eine davon offensichtlich schwanger, werden beobachtet, wie sie von Haus zu Haus gehen und schellen. Verdacht auf Tagesraub. Unterstelltes zigeunertypisches Vorgehen: Bei den Leuten wird angeläu- tet mit der Bitte, ein Glas Wasser für die schwangere Frau zu erhalten. Bei der Versorgung der scheinbar Kranken wird gestohlen, was in Reichweite ist und wertvoll erscheint. Begleitet wird das Trio in der Regel von zwei//
Männern, die das Beutegut in Empfang nehmen und in einem in der Nähe abgestellten Fahrzeug deponieren sollen. Soweit die Typik!
Die Kriminalbeamten observieren nun die drei Zigeunerinnen, entdecken auch bald deren Helfero,werden jedoch auch entdeckt. Daraufhin versu- chen die Beamten, das Basisfahrzeug zu finden, um Beute sicherzustellen und zugleicheine Straftat nachweisenzu können. Sie fahren die Gegendab und suchen nach dem typischen Zigeunerfahrzeug - einem großen Mercedes mit Anhängerkupplung, älteres Modell, metallic, sehr breit, sehr wuchtig, vermutliches Kennzeichen von H.-Stadt (Stadt in der Nähe mit hohem Zigeuneranteil). Ein Wagen mit dem passenden Nmmernschild wird gefunden, auch alle anderen Merkmale stimmen. Aber: Am Heck- fenster befinden sich Aufkleber. Diese künden von der letzten Rallye auf dem Nürburgring und von der Auffassung, daß man gut und gerne auf Atomkraftwerke verzichten könne. Aufgrund dieser Aufkleber („Zigeu- ner haben an ihren Wagen nie solche Aufkleber!") unterlassen die Beamten sowohl eine Halterabfrage als auch eine eingehende Untersu- chung des Wagens. Sie fahren weiter, finden jedoch das Basisfahrzeug nicht.
Ich will hier nicht behaupten, daß das gefundene Fahrzeug tatsächlich das Täterfahrzeug war, mir geht es allein um die Plausibilisierung der Unterscheidung zwischen Unterordnung und (Re)Konstruktion. Die Beamten verfügen über ein Wissen, wie sich bestimmte Zigeuner beim Tageseinbruchverhalten. (WohersiediesesWissenhabenundobesetwas mit der Wirklichkeit zu tun hat, steht hier nicht zur Debatte.) Dieses Verhalten ist an bestimmten Merkmalen erkennbar. Die Konstellation bestimmter Merkmale macht das Typische aus. Beobachtet man das V orhandensein einiger Merkmale, dann schließt man auch auf die Präsenz der übrigen. Und andersherum: sind einige beobachtete Merkmale nicht Teil des Typus, dann liegt ein anderer Typus vor. Die oben beschriebenen Beamten ordnen ihre Beobachtungen einem bereits bekannten Typus unter, sie (re)konstruieren keinen neuen. Anders wäre es gewesen, wenn sie an der Gültigkeit ihres Wissens gezweifelt hätten. Dann hätten sie möglicherweise gedankenexperimentell einen Tätertypus entworfen, der um die Ermittlungspraxisder Polizei weiß und aufgrund dieses Wissens mit minimalem Aufwand eine gelungene Tarnhandlung entwerfen kann. In diesem Falle wäre das unverdächtige Fahrzeug gerade wegen der untypi- schen Aufkleber näher untersucht worden." 202-203

Dies zeigt, dass im praktischen Handeln nur ein Typus verwendet wurde. Allerdings wissen wir noch nicht, (und genau das würde ich anzweifeln) tatsächlich die Beamten immer nur einen Typus verwenden. Oder ob nicht noch mehr Faktoren als die Überzeugungen der Beamten eine Rolle spielen.

page range: 202

quotation type: Comment

quotation index: 8

# Explanation of Abduction

"Es lassen sich also zwei Formen des Typisierens bestimmen:
(1) Die Unterordnung des Beobachteten unter einen bereits bekannten Typus aufgmnd gemeinsamer Merkmale und
(2) die Erfindung einer neuen Regel, welche eine bestimmte Auswahl von Merkmalen zu einem neuen Typus zusammenbindet.
Beide Formen sind Teil des normalen, aber auch des wissenschaftlichen
Alltags. Beide wechseln sich ab und ergänzen einander. Stets werden
aktuelle Daten der Wahrnehmung (das sind natürlich auch die erhobenen Felddaten) daraufhin geprüft, ob ihre Merkmale mit den Merkmalen bereits bestehender Typen hinreichend übereinstimmen. Kommt das Angemessenheitsurteil zu einem positiven Ergebnis, wird mittels qualitativer Induktion zugeordnet. Kommt das Angemessenheitsurteil jedoch zu dem Ergebnis, daß keine der bisher bekannten Typen zu den wahrge- nommenen Merkmalen hinreichend paßt, dann ist die Abduktion gefragt. Die Abduktion greift nicht auf bereits vorhandene Typen zurück, um etwas Beobachtetes zu erklären, sie erschafft einen neuen Typus. Dabei ist der Schluß, bestimmte Merkmale zu einem neuen Typus zusammenzubin- den, äußerst waghalsig. Aber nicht nur das: zudem ist er durch keinen Algorithmus herbeizuführen, sondern er stellt sich eher unwillkürlich ein. Begleitet wird die Abduktion (aber auch die qualitative Induktion) von einem angenehmen Gefühl, das überzeugender ist als jede Wahrschein- lichkeitsrechnung. Leider irrt dieses gute Gefühl nur allzu oft. Abduktio- nen und in begrenztem Maße auch qualitative Induktionen sind geistige Akte, die nie allein kognitiv und rational fundiert sind. Sie gründen in Prozessen, die nicht rational begründ- und kritisierbar sind - das gilt natürlich nicht für deren Ergebnisse. Diese Prozesse sind noch nicht einmal vollständig darstellbar."

page range: 205

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 9

# Typisierung ist nicht Kategorisierung

"VondieserFormderTypisierungistdasVerfahrenderKategorisiertrng trotz der manchmal fließenden Grenzen zu unterscheiden. Die Kategorisierunp geht//
von einer bereits bekannten Merkmalskombination aus und sucht diese in den Daten wiederzufinden, sie prägt das Material nach einem Vorbild. Hier wird bekannte Ordnung lediglich verallgemeinert. Die logische Form dieser Operation ist die Deduktion. Bei einer Typisierung steht die Entscheidung an, ob man sich einer bereits bestehenden Typik anschließt, bei der Kategorisierung hat man sich entschlossen, alles als Wiederkehr des Bewährten anzusehen. Die Grenzen zwischen diesen beiden Operationen sind deshalb oft fließend, weil Merkmals- kombinationen nicht von den Qualitäten der Daten erzwungen werden, sondern Ergebnis einer interessierten Zuwendung zu den Daten sind. Stimmen Merkmals- kombinationen überein, dann ist dies die Folge des mehr oder weniger bewußten Entschlusses, die Dinge so zu sehen, wie sie andere schon sahen."

page range: 205

quotation type: Direct quotation

quotation index: 10},
  title  = {"Meine Schweine erkenne ich am Gang" : zur Typisierung typisierender Kriminalpolizisten},
  pages  = {194--207},
  volume = {22},
  year   = {1999},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {The persistence of critical theory},
  editor    = {Ricci, Gabriel},
  pages     = {1 online resource (xvii, 257},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  volume    = {volume 8},
  abstract  = {The latest volume of Culture & Civilization gathers contemporary exponents of critical theory, specifically those based in the Frankfurt School of social thinking. Collectively, this volume demonstrates the continuing intellectual viability of critical theory, which challenges the limits of positivism and materialism. We may question how the theoretical framework of Marxism fails to coordinate with the conditions that defined labor forces, as did Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, or deliberate on the conditions that justify the claims we make through public discourse, as did Jürgen Habermas. Or, like Axel Honneth, we may reflect on recognition theory as a means of addressing social problems. Whatever our objective, the focus of critical theory continues to be the consciousness of established "positive" interests that, without debate, may sustain injustices or conditions which the public may not have chosen to impose. Throughout the hardship of punitive dismissal and exile in the 1930s and 40s, and the shock of the New Left in the 1960s and 70s, and finally the later linguistic and pragmatic turn, the Frankfurt School has sustained the idea that people escape disaffection and alienation when their knowledge of the social and political world is dialectically mediated through creative interaction. This new volume in the Culture & Civilization series continues the tradition of critical thought.},
  year      = {2017},
}

@Article{,
  author = {SENDING, O. and NEUMANN, I. V. E. R.},
  title  = {Governance to Governmentality: Analyzing NGOs, States, and Power},
  pages  = {651--672},
  volume = {50},
  year   = {2006},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Studying the agency of being governed},
  editor    = {Stern, Maria and Hellberg, Sofie and Hansson, Stina},
  pages     = {xiii, 209},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  abstract  = {"This edited volume seeks to provide guidance on how we can approach questions of governing and agency--particularly those who endeavour to embark on grounded empirical research--by rendering explicit some key challenges, tensions, dilemmas, and confluences that such endeavours elicit. Indeed, the contributions in this volume reflect the growing tendency in governmentality studies to shift focus to empirically grounded studies. The volume thus explicitly aims to move from theory to practice, and to step back from the more top-down governmentality studies approach to one that examines how one can/does study how relations of power affect lives, experience and agency. This book offers insight into the intricate relations between the workings of governing and (the possibility for) people's agency on the one hand, and about the possible effects of our attempts to engage in such studies on the other. In numerous ways, and from different starting points, the contributions to this volume provide thoughtful insights into, and creative suggestions for, how to work with the methodological challenges of studying the agency of being governed. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, global governance and research methods"--},
  year      = {2015},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Stirrat, Roderick and Henkel, Heiko},
  title  = {The Development Gift: The Problem of Reciprocity in the NGO World},
  pages  = {66--80},
  volume = {554},
  year   = {1997},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Streck, Rebekka and Unterkofler, Ursula and Reinecke-Terner, Anja},
  title  = {Das "Fremdwerden" eigener Beobachtungsprotokolle – Rekonstruktionen von Schreibpraxen als methodische Reflexion},
  pages  = {Art. 16},
  volume = {14},
  year   = {2013},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Vorhölter, Julia},
  title  = {Studying development organizations – towards a culture of participation?},
  pages  = {178--194},
  volume = {1},
  year   = {2012},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Knowing Governance},
  editor    = {Voß, Jan-Peter and Freeman, Richard},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  year      = {2016},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Weidner, Jason},
  title  = {Governmentality, Capitalism, and Subjectivity},
  pages  = {387--411},
  volume = {23},
  year   = {2009},
}

@Book{,
  author    = {Ziai, Aram},
  title     = {Development discourse and global history},
  pages     = {viii, 244 Seiten},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  year      = {2016},
}

@Book{,
  title     = {Postkoloniale Politikwissenschaft},
  editor    = {Ziai, Aram},
  pages     = {350 S},
  publisher = {Transcript},
  volume    = {27},
  abstract  = {Welche Relevanz hat die Perspektive der postkolonialen Studien für die Politikwissenschaft? Die Frage nach den Auswirkungen der Epoche des Kolonialismus lässt verschiedene Bereiche der Disziplin - darunter Politische Theorie, Geschlechterverhältnisse, Internationale Beziehungen und Politische Systeme - in einem neuen Licht erscheinen. Die in diesem Band versammelten postkolonialen Analysen politischer Theorien, Institutionen und Prozesse, die sich auf empirischer und theoretischer Ebene bewegen, machen eurozentrische Strukturen und koloniale Argumentationsmuster in der Politikwissenschaft, in der Politikpraxis auf deutscher und internationaler Ebene sowie in postkolonialen Ländern sichtbar. (Quelle: www.buchhandel.de).},
  year      = {2016},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Baya-Laffite, Nicolas},
  title  = {Black-boxing Sustainable Development: Environmental Impact Assessment on the River Uruguay},
  pages  = {237--256},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Cavatorta, Francesco and Elananza, Azzam},
  title  = {Show Me the Money!},
  pages  = {75--93},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Emerson, Robert and Fretz, Rachel I. and Shaw, Linda},
  title  = {Participant Observation and Fieldnotes},
  pages  = {352--368},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Kerner, Ina},
  title  = {Transnational Governmentality and Civil Society: Ambivalences of Power in a Globalized World},
  pages  = {85--102},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Laurent, Brice},
  title  = {Boundary-making in the International Organization: Public Engagement Expertise at the OECD},
  pages  = {217--236},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Meuser, Michael and Nagel, Ulrike},
  title  = {Das Experteninterview — konzeptionelle Grundlagen und methodische Anlage},
  pages  = {465--479},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Reichertz, Jo and Hitzler, Ronald and Schröer, Norbert},
 comment = {# Grundzüge der hermeneutischen Wissenssoziologie

1) "In Gesellschaften bzw. durch deren Institutionen stehen den sozialen Akteuren relativ komplexe, teilweise hochkomplexe Wissensbest//ände zur verfügung. Dieses Wissen bezieht sich zum ersten auf die Welt im Ganzen, zum zweiten auf die Gesellschaft und deren Ordnung und zum dritten auch auf das Verständnis des Einzelnen, auf seine Bedeutung und auf sein Verhältnis zu anderen, zur Gesellschaft, und zur Welt 'im Ganzen'." 11-12
> "Dieses Wissen ist grdunsätzlich handlungsorientiert, d.h. es ident insbesondere dazu, gesellscjaftlich als relevant erachtete Handlungsprobleme und -möglichkeiten, Optionen und Obligationen, Chancen und Risiken zu identifizieren, (...)" 12
> das Wissen, das als erfolgreich gilt, wird belohnt, das andere sanktioniert.
2) und obwohl es also so eine Ordnung gibt, wo für das erreichen eines Ziel in einer typischen Situation typischen Mittel nahe liegen, dies führt aber "nicht automatisch zur Ausführung entsprechender typischer Handlungen" 12 "Angelpunkt einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Theorie des Verstehens sozialer Handlungen ist also die 'freie' Stellungnahme der oder des Handelnden zu (den) gesellschaftlich bereitgestellten Orientierungsmustern." 12
"Mit ihrer je 'eigenwilligen' Stellungnahme leisten Akteure demzufolge (zumindest) zweierlei: Sie legen das gesellschaftlich vorausgesetzte Wissen entsprechend den eigenen Dispositionen aus, und sie entwerfen auf dieser Basis Handlungsziele und Handlungsabläufe."
> Allerdings: auch wenn es diese EIngenwilligkeit gibt, "um sich zu entlasten" entfernen sich die Akteure meist nicht zu weit vom Skript 12; In vielen Fällen wird dieser "je idnividuelle Aushandllungsprozess" also gar nicht ohne Weiteres sichtbar
> sie sprechen hier auch von einem "Typenrepertoire" 12

3) in der individuellen Auslegung des "Typenrepertoires" findet sowohl "Bewahrung" als auch "Erneuerung" statt (wird "strukturell auf Dauer gestellt" 12)
"Wirklichkeit wird, fundiert in selbstverständlichten Rekursen auf je Überkommenes, stets aufs Neue durch aufeinander bezogene Handlungen gesellschaftlich konstruiert. So betrachtet, rückt der Handlungsbegriff ins Zentrum des sozialwissenschaftlichen Interesses - ein Handlungsbegriff, der sich gleich zweifach auf den Akteur bezieht: Einmal versteht er ihn als selbstreflexives Subjekt, das in der alltäglichen Aneignung soziale Wissensbestände ausdeutet und sie prüft, sie differenziert oder zusammenfasst. ZUm anderen versteht er ihn als Adressaten von Wissensbeständen und darin eingelassenen Wertungen."

page range: 11

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0},
  title  = {Das Arbeitsfeld einer hermeneutischen Wissenssoziologie},
  pages  = {9--14},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Stirling, Andrew},
  title  = {Knowing Doing Governing: Realizing Heterodyne Democracies},
  pages  = {259--286},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Swetha Rao Dhananka},
  comment = {# parallels to my experience

she describes that because of the previous research by development practitioners - or in this case: government employees of some sort - people were suspicious when they encountered her research project. (The previous research was a survey to "serve as the basis for the distribution of social housing" that "presented either a critical opportunity to gain access to housing or the threat of eviction" 111)
She also, in a differnet context, where an NGO had promised to help and act as a broker, pulled out and left behind a community that "had been put in a position where they coud expect someone else to stand up for them, instead of developing self-organiding collective capacity." 112 encountered that people's first question was: "what I would do for them" - so "her identity as a researcher was conflated with  that of an external agent in a position to 'help'." 112
the third encounter she terms "encountering empowerment": a social movement that has been succesfful and is very willing to share their stories and educate her about their experiences 112-113

page range: 111

quotation type: Summary

quotation index: 0},
  title  = {Encounters at the margins: situating the researcher under conditions of aid},
  pages  = {109--113},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Sylvester, Christine},
  title  = {Avoiding the ‘killing’ of lives: representations in academia and fiction},
  pages  = {64--73},
}

@Article{,
  author = {Voß, Jan-Peter and Freeman, Richard},
  title  = {Introduction: Knowing Governance},
  pages  = {1--34},
}
